South East Patriots (SEP) has carefully reviewed the write-up titled “WHO WILL TELL ATIKU ABUBAKAR THE TRUTH?” and finds it necessary, in the interest of political honesty and opposition clarity, to respond firmly and unequivocally.

While the article presents itself as analytical, its central thesis—that Atiku Abubakar’s continued political ambition is aiding the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—is fundamentally flawed. The real enablers of Tinubu’s re-election are not Atiku Abubakar or any opposition figure exercising a legitimate democratic right, but those orchestrating coordinated attacks against opposition leaders under false pretences.

Atiku Abubakar’s ambition is legitimate, not sabotage

Atiku Abubakar is constitutionally entitled to seek elective office. That right does not transform into sabotage simply because some political interests prefer a different candidate. Democracy does not function on enforced withdrawal or moral blackmail.

What weakens opposition is not ambition, but intolerance within the opposition space. The obsession with denying Atiku Abubakar a platform—rather than confronting APC misrule—has become the most reliable gift to President Tinubu.

South East Patriots states clearly:
Anyone more interested in stopping Atiku than stopping Tinubu is objectively aiding APC continuity.

The Peter Obi question: realism, titles, and political value

SEP recognises the genuine popularity of Peter Obi and the passion he inspires, particularly among young Nigerians. That support is real and deserves respect. However, politics is not won by sentiment alone. It is won by structures, alliances, negotiations, and national consensus-building.

It must be stated plainly, without sentiment or exaggeration, that “former presidential candidate” is not a political title. Today, Peter Obi is properly described as former Governor of Anambra State, just as Omoyele Sowore and numerous others were also presidential candidates in the 2023 elections. Candidacy alone does not confer institutional authority, negotiating superiority, or automatic leadership of the opposition space.

In the hard calculus of coalition politics, what gives weight is not past aspiration but current strategic value, national reach, and a viable pathway to power. In this context, any serious alliance or partnership with Atiku Abubakar offers Peter Obi a clearly defined and constitutionally recognised route to executive power—the vice-presidential slot—with the real and tangible possibility of becoming Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. That is not a symbolic concession; it is the second-highest office in the land and a platform from which national leadership, succession credibility, and historical relevance can be firmly secured.

Those who genuinely support Peter Obi must therefore ask an honest question:
Why is all the fire directed at Atiku Abubakar and not at the APC government?

The Obasanjo factor: unforgiveness, vindictiveness, and selective intervention

It is widely believed, and borne out by historical pattern, that Olusegun Obasanjo is a political leader with a deep disposition toward unforgiveness. This trait has manifested repeatedly in his public conduct and political interventions long after disputes should have been resolved in the national interest.

A recent reminder was the speech Obasanjo chose to deliver at the birthday event of former Governor Ayo Fayose. Stripped of distractions, that speech was a public display of unresolved grievance. But for the despicable and condemnable response later issued by Ayo Fayose, which overshadowed Obasanjo’s remarks, Nigerians would have been forced to confront the speech for what it truly represented—an unforgiving spirit in action.

This context raises a legitimate and unavoidable question:
Is Obasanjo supporting Peter Obi today because he genuinely believes Obi can win a national election on his own, or because he considers Obi’s candidacy the most effective route to frustrate Atiku Abubakar’s long-standing ambition?

Obasanjo, Audu Ogbeh, and the politics of personal retribution

Many Nigerians appear to have forgotten another defining episode that vividly illustrates Obasanjo’s political temperament. The late National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Audu Ogbeh, experienced at close quarters Obasanjo’s peculiar style of engagement—cordiality in private followed by hostility in public, and political retribution without warning.

On that occasion, President Olusegun Obasanjo was received into the home of Chief Audu Ogbeh, where they shared a plate of pounded yam in an atmosphere of apparent warmth and reconciliation. Yet, within minutes of departing Ogbeh’s residence, Obasanjo publicly turned against him, unleashing condemnation that culminated in Ogbeh’s humiliation and eventual resignation as PDP National Chairman.

There were also unconfirmed but widely circulated accounts from that period suggesting that after enjoying the meal, Obasanjo allegedly produced a prepared resignation letter for Ogbeh to sign. While these accounts were never officially verified, their persistence in Nigeria’s political memory is significant. Perception matters in politics, and these stories endured precisely because they aligned with Obasanjo’s established pattern of abruptness and unforgiving political conduct.

Even though Chief Audu Ogbeh did in fact resign, the narratives surrounding the circumstances of that resignation speak volumes. They reinforce the broader perception of a leadership style driven by personal dominance rather than reconciliation.

It is against this background that Obasanjo’s current posture must be understood. His support for Peter Obi is increasingly perceived not as a bridge for uniting the opposition, but as another instrument in a long-running effort to frustrate Atiku Abubakar, rather than to confront the Asiwaju-led APC. If opposition unity were the goal, Obasanjo’s influence would be deployed toward partnership and coalition—not division.

Atiku and the failed search for indictment

As Vice President, Atiku Abubakar enjoyed immunity from prosecution, but never immunity from investigation. Obasanjo wielded enormous executive power and authorised extensive investigations into Atiku Abubakar’s conduct while in office.

Despite the full force of the presidency and state institutions, no evidence emerged that could sustain a criminal indictment against Atiku Abubakar. Had any credible incriminating material existed, it would have been documented, preserved, and deployed. Successive governments would not have hesitated to prosecute Atiku Abubakar if such evidence were available.

Unable to indict, prosecute, or convict Atiku Abubakar through lawful institutional processes, Obasanjo resorted to an alternative route. He turned to his book as a substitute tribunal, investigating, prosecuting, and convicting Atiku Abubakar in the pages of a personal memoir rather than before a competent court of law.

The implication is unmistakable: Atiku Abubakar was too clean to be criminally indicted, despite sustained attempts to the contrary.

Party switching and political realism

Critics who attack Atiku for moving parties ignore political reality. Political parties are vehicles, not shrines. When a vehicle breaks down beyond repair, rational actors seek alternatives.

The PDP today has suffered near-total structural collapse across many states:

In Benue State, the PDP lost its secretariat due to unpaid rent; the ADC stepped in and took over the premises.

In Anambra State, the PDP secretariat at Udoka Housing Estate, Awka, remains perpetually in arrears.

Those shouting about loyalty are conspicuously absent when it comes to building structures or sustaining opposition infrastructure.

Atiku and the ADC: opposition building, not rhetoric

Since joining the ADC, Atiku Abubakar has begun rebuilding opposition presence, particularly in the North-East, drawing national attention to a previously marginal party and challenging APC dominance in regions considered safe.

Many of his loudest critics:

Have not declared for any party

Are not building structures

Are not mobilising voters

Are not confronting APC governance

Opposition is built through organisation, not online sanctimony.

The real task before Nigeria

South East Patriots (SEP) believes that defeating the All Progressives Congress (APC) requires a truly formidable and united opposition. The political reality before Nigeria is clear and unavoidable: a strategic partnership between Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi offers the strongest and most realistic pathway to unseating President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Neither of the two leaders, acting alone, possesses the full national spread, structure, and institutional reach required to defeat an entrenched incumbency. Together, however, they represent a complementary force capable of mobilising broad regional support, reassuring the political establishment, and energising the electorate.

Anyone suggesting any alternative arrangement is either sympathetic to Asiwaju Tinubu or, at the very least, treats Tinubu as an acceptable alternative or second option. Such positions—whether openly declared or subtly disguised—do not advance opposition politics and only strengthen APC’s grip on power.

CONCLUSION

Atiku Abubakar is not aiding President Tinubu’s re-election.
Those turning opposition politics into a personal vendetta against Atiku are doing far more damage to Nigeria’s democratic prospects than they care to admit.

Nigeria does not need manufactured enemies within the opposition.
Nigeria needs focus, strategy, organisation, and unity.

History will not reward noise.
It will reward those who chose nation over faction.

Obunike Ohaegbu
National Coordinator
South East Patriots (SEP)
writes from his village in Anambra State